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McALLEN, Texas (AP) — Judges in Texas and New York on Wednesday said they would temporarily bar the U.S. government from deporting Venezuelans jailed in parts of those two states while their lawyers challenge the Trump administration’s use of a rarely-invoked law letting presidents imprison and deport noncitizens in times of war.

The judges took actions after civil rights lawyers sought to protect five men identified by the government as belonging to the Tren de Aragua gang, a claim their lawyers dispute. But the judges said some others in their judicial districts similarly situated would also be protected from deportations relying on the Alien Enemies Act.

The judicial moves were the first to occur after the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday ruled the administration can resume deportations, but deportees must be afforded some due process before they are flown away, including reasonable time to argue to a judge that they should not be deported.

The rulings did not address the constitutionality of the act. The American Civil Liberties Union is asking the judge in Texas to decide on whether it is lawful to use the Alien Enemies Act.

The United States is not at war with Venezuela, but President Donald Trump’s administration has argued the U.S. is being invaded by members of the Tren de Aragua gang.

U.S. immigration authorities already have deported more than 100 people and sent them to a notorious prison in El Salvador without letting them challenge their removals in court.

Civil liberties lawyers brought lawsuits on behalf of three men detained in a facility in Texas and two held in an Orange County, New York, facility.

Judge Fernando Rodriguez Jr. signed a temporary restraining order in Texas while Judge Alvin K. Hellerstein said at a New York hearing that he planned to sign a temporary order Wednesday to block removals while court challenges proceed.

In Texas, Judge Rodriguez said anyone similarly situated at the El Valle Detention Center will be protected. In New York, Judge Hellerstein said his order will protect Venezuelans in the Southern District of New York, which includes the New York City boroughs of Manhattan and the Bronx, along with Dutchess, Orange, Putnam, Rockland, Sullivan and Westchester counties.

In Texas, the three plaintiffs include a man who is HIV positive and fears lacking access to medical care if deported.

The men were identified as gang members by physical attributes using the “Alien Enemy Validation Guide,” in which an ICE agent tallies points by relying on tattoos, hand gestures, symbols, logos, graffiti, and manner of dress, according to the ACLU. Experts who study the gang have told the ACLU the method is not reliable.

The lawsuits sought class action status to affect others who are detained and face similar deportation. The ACLU had requested a temporary restraining order to keep their petitioners in the U.S. and for the judge to declare the 18-century Alien Enemies Act, which the Trump administration is invoking, unlawful.

In New York, Hellerstein set a hearing for April 22 to decide whether a temporary restraining order he planned to sign Wednesday would be turned into a preliminary injunction.

At a hearing, Deputy Attorney General Drew Ensign from the Justice Department in Washington opposed a temporary order.

Ensign said he’d been told by immigration authorities that there were “only a handful” of Venezuelans, probably less than 10, detained in New York’s Southern District.

When Hellerstein said 10 individuals would be enough to make up a class, Ensign said: “We disagree.”

The case pertains to two Venezuelan men who also face deportation under the Alien Enemies Act. Civil liberties groups have sued the government on behalf of the two men, one 21 the other 32, who are being held by immigration authorities at a jail about 45 miles (72 kilometers) northwest of New York City.

Lee Gelernt, an ACLU attorney who argued for a restraining order in New York, said outside court that the ACLU was proceeding district by district at the moment but eventually will likely seek a nationwide injunction so civil rights attorneys don’t have to file cases in 96 different jurisdictions.

The Alien Enemies Act has only been used three times in the past, during the War of 1812, World War I and World War II, when it was used to justify the mass internment of people of Japanese heritage while the U.S. was at war with Japan.

The administration plans to expand its use for members of the Salvadoran gang MS-13, Todd Lyons, acting Immigration and Customs Enforcement director, told reporters Tuesday during Border Security Expo, a trade show in Phoenix.

WASHINGTON (AP) — Oil prices swung wildly on Wednesday, sinking to a four-year low in anticipation of slowing economic growth due to a burgeoning trade war, before jumping 2% after President Donald Trump announced a 90-day pause on most of his tariffs.

U.S. benchmark crude followed U.S. markets higher in the afternoon rising 2%, or $1.20, to $60.79 per barrel after the latest reversal by the Trump administration.

That’s after it declined 4.3% to $56.98 per barrel as late as midday on the New York Mercantile Exchange. Prices had fallen further earlier in the day to levels not seen since February 2021, the depth of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Energy prices mostly have been in decline since Trump’s inauguration in January, with the cost of a barrel of oil sliding about $20 since the start of the year. At this time last year, a barrel of U.S. crude cost $85. A barrel was going for around $71 at the beginning of April, before tariffs were launched.

Brent crude, the European standard, also climbed into positive territory Wednesday to $63.90 per barrel.

The most recent swoon in energy prices arrived when Trump’s latest round of tariffs kicked in after midnight, including a 104% tax on goods coming from China. The world’s second-largest economy quickly retaliated, with Beijing saying it would raise tariffs on imported U.S. goods to 84% on Thursday.

European Union member states followed suit, issuing retaliatory tariffs on $23 billion in goods. For now, the targeted items are a tiny fraction of the 1.6 trillion euros ($1.8 trillion) in U.S.-EU annual trade.

Rapidly falling oil prices signal pessimism about economic growth and can be a harbinger of a recession as manufacturers cut production, businesses cut travel costs and families rethink vacation plans.

Delta Air Lines. which had anticipated a record year, pulled its financial forecasts for 2025 on Wednesday as the trade war scrambles expectations for business and household spending and depresses bookings across the travel sector.

“With broad economic uncertainty around global trade, growth has largely stalled,” said Delta CEO Ed Bastian.

Shares of major U.S. oil companies fell as well Wednesday.

“We are going into a recession,” Neil Dutta of Renaissance Macro Research wrote in a note to clients. “I don’t think it is especially controversial to say so.”

FORT WORTH – The Houston Chronicle reports that like many regular lottery players, Jerry Reed played the same six numbers each time he bought his Lotto Texas ticket. On May 17, 2023, his persistence paid off. The ticket, purchased at One World Grocery in Mansfield, outside of Fort Worth, hit the jackpot. Reed chose to receive his winnings in annuitized payments over time, worth $7.5 million. Now, however, Reed is claiming he is owed considerably more. The reason: His win was the first jackpot claimed after the controversial April 22, 2023, Lotto Texas draw, in which an entity called Rook TX all but guaranteed itself the winning ticket by acquiring nearly all of the 25.8 million possible number configurations. The entity was the sole winner, collecting a one-time payout of nearly $58 million.

As reported by the Houston Chronicle, the operation was planned by a Malta man, organized through a London betting company and carried out by four online ticket sales companies. It was aided by the Texas Lottery Commission itself, which appeared to have allowed the participants to skirt several of its own rules to carry out the logistically challenging scheme. In a lawsuit being filed Tuesday in Travis County district court, Reed asserts that the violations should have voided the jackpot — in which case the prize he won would have been worth more than $100 million. “Had the defendants not engaged in their illegal money laundering and game-rigging scheme connected to the April 22nd draw, the $95 million jackpot would have rolled over, as there were no other winners,” the lawsuit claims. “Consequently, Jerry Reed’s May 17th jackpot win would have been $102.5 million instead of $7.5 million.” The Texas Lottery Commission’s former director, Gary Grief, has said that no laws or rules were violated during the April 2023 game. Grief retired in early 2024.

FORT WORTH – The Fort Worth Star-Telegram reports crude oil prices have continued to fall, after plummeting last week to lows not seen since the pandemic. Crude oil futures fell from roughly $71 per barrel on Wednesday to less than $60 a barrel on Monday, the lowest since April 2021. Prices sat at about $60 per barrel on Tuesday morning. Though prices are down, experts say Texas’ oil and natural gas industry may manage to weather the storm relatively unscathed — if the entire economy remains strong. Major stock indexes dropped sharply last week after the Trump administration announced new global tariffs, spurring fears of a recession. As uncertainty pervades Wall Street, some of the country’s largest banks, including J.P. Morgan and Goldman Sachs, have raised their recession risk forecasts. Experts said the decline in oil prices means consumers will likely see lower gas prices in the short term.

Carl Campbell, former president of the American Association of Professional Landmen and chief operating officer of energy firm Alamo Resources, said the impact of lower oil prices will hinge on how long the decline lasts. Campbell said the current economic climate has made producers cautious. Too low of prices could halt development; Campbell said oil prices need to hover between $65 to $75 a barrel to encourage new projects. “We have to find that balance that works best, where it’s a sustainable number at the pump and also a sustainable number for the exploration and production companies that are out trying to make the most of finding additional reserves to serve that need by the public,” he said. Campbell said the Trump administration may want to lower oil prices to offset cost increases for other goods caused by tariffs — but how long the new duties are in place is anyone’s guess. Markets swung wildly on Monday, after a false report that the administration was considering a 90-day pause on tariffs.

ODESSA — When President Donald Trump boasted about falling oil prices on social media early Monday, the Texas oil and gas industry didn’t cheer along with him.

Trump’s latest round of tariffs set off unease among industry groups representing Texas operators. Trade leaders said Trump’s actions threaten the industry’s ability to continue meeting global oil demand.

“Depending on the length and severity, many companies within, and reliant upon, the Texas oil and natural gas industry could struggle,” said Ed Longanecker, president of the Texas Independent Producers and Royalty Owners Association.

Texas is a dominant force in the nation’s oil and gas industry, supplying more than 40% of its oil and producing more natural gas than it can store, transport or sell. Oil and gas companies drill for enviable amounts of crude oil from thousands of wells in the westernmost region of the state, federal data shows, with no signs of slowing — until this week. Oil prices fell below $60, the lowest in years.

Most of it is drilled in the Permian Basin, a stretch of land containing oil deposits scattered across tens of thousands of square miles where operators big and small produce oil. The region’s very economy hinges on oil and gas, which brings workers, grows the tax base and enriches local and county government budgets.

Many of the companies depend on imports targeted by tariffs to sustain their field operations, trade groups said.

Operators prioritize domestic purchases, Longanecker said, but also rely on international products. At least half of critical equipment, including casing that protects drilling equipment, is sourced internationally. Steel, both domestic and international, can take up to 10% of a company’s expenses. Up to 70% of the less critical materials used to drill, such as casing string on the surface, come from South Korea. He said U.S. steelmaking is often reserved for more critical profitable equipment.

One of the companies they represent exclusively uses domestically produced equipment, which is rare. And only sucker rods, which connect equipment on the surface to pumps deep in the well, are 100% sourced domestically.

“Our members procure this material from both domestic and international suppliers, and maintaining the supply diversity is important to control costs and availability,” Longanecker said.

Supply chain disruptions and policy decisions can significantly change these costs for operators. If the tariffs lead to an economic downturn, it could also affect demand and deal a blow to the industry.

Ben Shepperd, president of the Permian Basin Petroleum Association, said tariffs will hurt operators’ bottom line.

“Our goal has been to consistently remind policymakers and others that our operators are participating in a global market that has benefited greatly from expanded markets and free trade,” he said. “This also means that our industry is challenged with the effects of regulatory certainty or uncertainty and is vulnerable to the effects of tariffs and inflation.”

If the market remains uncertain, you will see an industry slowdown, he said.

This stall in oil and gas production does not indicate a bust — a devastating drop in oil prices, loss of jobs and a paralyzed economy, experts said.

Ray Perryman, an economist and founder of the Perryman Group, said oil firms will reconsider whether drilling is a worthwhile investment at the current price of oil. It would take a pronounced drop in global demand or available oil for companies to stop altogether.

The oil and gas industry provides the necessary supply to meet demand, both of which have reached record levels. Last year, the U.S. pumped a record-breaking 13 million oil barrels a day. New technology has enabled the industry to create more reserves, meaning it is much more unlikely for a dramatic shortage of oil to occur.

”Unless tariffs become permanent at levels which disrupt the fundamental supply of the entire world economy for an extended period, we are unlikely to see anything like the boom and bust periods of the past,” he said.

Still, the industry has not seen any indications of economic conditions improving anytime soon, said Kirk Edwards, former chair of the Permian Basin Petroleum Association, who runs an independent oil and gas company in the Panhandle. Edwards said the tariffs and oil prices came as a “shock” to the industry, which is grappling with the decisions of an administration that pledged to put them at the forefront.

And with the administration’s volatile approach to tariffs, companies will think twice before putting up a drilling rig in the next two months.

“Nobody in their right mind is going to put out a drilling rig not knowing what the oil price will be,” he said. “The longer that goes on, the weaker the industry is going to be from a service standpoint. Then you have a lot of layoffs, and the banks are going to be calling, and it’s not going to be pretty out here if that happens.”

Trump’s actions have frustrated Odessa Mayor Cal Hendrick, a longtime oil and gas attorney, who agrees with Trump’s push for more equitable international trade. But he doesn’t agree with Trump’s method.

He said the tariffs, if sustained, will only hurt the industry and ultimately push cities like Odessa, which rely on the economy it generates, to financial ruin. If the tariffs push companies to lay off workers, he said, cities could lose workers who help expand the city’s tax base and be able to afford infrastructure improvements and growth.

“It affects my neighbors that are gonna have to cut jobs, cut the truck drivers and the welders, and these are our people,” Hendrick said. “It’s impossible to support a policy, no matter how well-intentioned, that negatively affects people.”

Article originally published by The Texas Tribune. To read the originally published article, click here.

AUSTIN – As measles tears through West Texas — infecting hundreds, hospitalizing dozens and claiming the lives of two children — some lawmakers in Austin are pushing bills to roll back vaccine requirements and expand access to exemptions under the banner of “choice.”

Measles, a highly contagious disease that was declared eliminated from the U.S. in 2000, has swept through West Texas communities with lower-than-average vaccination rates, turning Texas into the epicenter of a possible national epidemic with 505 cases identified since late January, including 57 hospitalizations and two deaths.

Two shots of the measles-mumps-rubella vaccine, which has been administered for decades, is the safest and most effective way to build immunity to the virus.

Still, Texas lawmakers have introduced bills to weaken vaccine mandates and make it easier for parents to obtain exemptions for their children — and there’s little indication that the state’s worst outbreak in three decades has changed their thinking.

Cases are concentrated in the districts of Texas House Republican leaders, including the speaker, Dustin Burrows, and state Rep. Ken King, chair of the State Affairs committee. Four of the ten counties in Texas’ designated outbreak area are in Burrows’ district. King’s district includes Gaines County, which has the highest concentration of cases.

Neither responded to a request for comment on whether they support proposals to pull back on vaccine requirements in light of the outbreaks in their districts.

In late February, Burrows said that he was closely monitoring the situation. He praised the state’s response in early March and said that the state was “bringing the vaccines over to the county … and making sure people have the resources and the tools they need to get the vaccinations.”

The districts of Republican state Sens. Kevin Sparks and Charles Perry largely encompass the outbreak area. Neither responded to a request for comment. Sparks has sponsored bills to expand vaccine exemptions for health care workers and Perry has introduced legislation to require health care providers to report “adverse events” related to vaccines.

“Generally, I don’t support forced vaccines,” said state Rep. David Spiller, R-Jacksboro, whose district has seen one confirmed case of measles so far. “I support parents making the choice for their children, and those that want to can. Obviously there are consequences if there’s a problem, but I do support vaccine choice.”

State Rep. Pat Curry, R-Waco, who introduced a bill to make vaccine exemption forms available to parents online, said he is not a vaccine expert but believed that “each parent should have a choice as to what they want to do.”

Most vaccine-related bills have not yet been heard in committee in the House, while the Senate has advanced a number of bills that would require health care providers to obtain “full informed consent” before administering a vaccine to a child and a parental “bill of rights” that includes the right to opt their child out of immunization.

State Rep. Gary VanDeaver, R-New Boston and chair of the Public Health Committee, said his panel was still considering which bills to hear.

“We’re not interested in any kind of rollback of the measles vaccine,” he said Tuesday. “The MMR is a safe vaccine and something that needs to continue to be encouraged for children — at the same time, recognizing that parents have the right to opt out.”

VanDeaver recognized the “possibility” that increased exemptions could make outbreaks more likely and painful, but he said that properly educating Texans on the importance of getting the measles vaccine would help.

“If we do a better job educating people, I think we’ll be OK,” he said.

Democrats and vaccine supporters blasted what they called a lack of guidance from top lawmakers that was contributing to a worsening crisis.

“Something that shouldn’t be a problem is a problem because our leadership will not step up and say what needs to be said,” state Rep. John Bucy, D-Austin and a member of the Public Health Committee, said. “They’re so scared of primaries and following the uneducated grassroots on this that they won’t lead.”

“We’d have two more kids alive right now and a lot less kids sick if we just followed the basic science,” he added. “Any legislation to go the other way is going to lead to more kids dying in Texas.”

State Rep. Ann Johnson, D-Houston and a Public Health committee member, said that legislation and rhetoric purporting to expand “choice” was helping “fuel misinformation around a public health crisis.”

“MMR is a good, solid vaccine. This is the consequence of demonizing science,” she said. Parents “want to do right by their kids, and they are being led down this path to actually hurt their children.”

Johnson added: “We’re not talking about adult freedom. We’re talking about adult manipulation for politics that’s killing kids.”

Advocates on both sides of the debate said they had not noticed any shifts in lawmaker attitudes toward these bills since the crisis deepened.

“I cannot tell you how disappointing it is,” said Terri Burke, executive director of The Immunization Partnership. “There’s not been any full throated attempt by the leadership in this state to say, ‘Get your kiddos vaccinated, save their lives.’ I mean that from the governor on down.”

After The Texas Tribune reported that state leaders had not addressed the outbreak publicly even after a child died, Gov. Greg Abbott posted on social media that he had directed the state to deploy “all necessary resources to ensure the safety and health needs of Texans.” He did not mention the vaccine.

Michelle Evans, political director of Texans for Vaccine Choice, said that the outbreak had not come up in conversations with lawmakers and did not seem to be “impacting our progress or anybody’s willingness to stand with us.”

Evans said that even as the Senate was moving faster to approve measures loosening vaccine requirements, committee membership in the House “leans our way much more strongly” than it did in 2023.

She argued that despite the outbreak, “vaccine choice is the right policy. It’s a civil liberties issue, regardless of whether it’s the COVID pandemic, whether there’s a measles outbreak.”

Evans added that bills her group supports are not trying to increase the number of vaccine exemptions, but to make it easier to access those exemptions.

“We are just trying to make it so that parents who do want to exercise this right have the ability to do so in the most expeditious and respectful manner possible,” she said.

Parents who want to send their child to school unvaccinated for philosophical, religious or conscientious reasons can do so by requesting a form from the state health department that is then mailed to them. They then fill it out, notarize it and submit to their school and after school programs.

In Gaines County, the center of the crisis, 82% of kindergarteners are vaccinated against measles, mumps and rubella. (The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says that outbreaks are more likely when the vaccination rate in a community falls below 95%.)

“If you need further proof that there’s a problem with relaxing this process, you’ve got it in Gaines County,” Burke said. “There’s a through line from this measles outbreak to these nonmedical exemptions.”

Since late January and as of Tuesday, Texas has seen 505 measles cases, including 57 hospitalizations. Two school-aged children — neither of whom was vaccinated, nor had any underlying conditions — have died after contracting measles.

The largest demographic of people getting infected with measles is children under the age of 18, who made up 351 of the 505 cases.

Article originally published by The Texas Tribune. To read the originally published article, click here.